No Kings Day Protest - October 18, 2025

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No comprehensive, official tally of family separations exists from the Obama era because the administration did not systematically track or report them.
 
June 13, 2014: No marches then, were there?

Taxpayers are footing the bill for relocating what could be as many as 90,000 children this year from El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras who are crossing the U.S. border.

About 1,100 are being housed temporarily at a facility at Lackland Air Force Base here.

"Every night, there's about 300 to 400 kids that come in. This is just in the lower Rio Grande Valley," said Cuellar, D-Texas.

In recent years, the number of children younger than 18 found trying to cross the Mexican border has skyrocketed. Between 2003 and 2011, between 6,000 and 7,500 children a year were landing in the custody of Department of Health and Human Services' Office of Refugee Resettlement program.

In 2012, border agents apprehended 13,625 children, and last year that number surged to more than 24,000.

Cuellar said Washington has been hiding from the problem of children crossing its borders.

"The problem with the administration is they don't want to give information," he said. "In fact, there's times when they don't want to give information to members of Congress. It's almost like they don't want the American public to know about the situation."

www.usatoday.com

Detention centers overflow with kids crossing border

Both Homeland Security, Health and Human Services end up housing migrant children.
www.usatoday.com
 
90



Children cried, but lefties failed to mobilize when their Messiah caused the pain

​
Under the terms of a 1997 settlement in the case of Flores v. Meese, children who enter the country without their parents must be granted a “general policy favoring release” to the custody of relatives or a foster program.

When there is cause to detain a child, he or she must be housed in the least restrictive environment possible, kept away from unrelated adults and provided access to medical care, exercise and adequate education.

Whether these protections apply to children traveling with their parents has been a matter of dispute. The Flores settlement refers to “all minors who are detained” by the Immigration and Naturalization Service and its “agents, employees, contractors and/or successors in office.” When the I.N.S. dissolved into the Department of Homeland Security in 2003, its detention program shifted to the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency. Federal judges have ruled that ICE is required to honor the Flores protections to all children in its custody.

The Obama administration reversed course. the administration abruptly announced plans to resume family detention.

From the beginning, officials were clear that the purpose of the new facility in Artesia was not so much to review asylum petitions as to process deportation orders.

“We have already added resources to expedite the removal, without a hearing before an immigration judge, of adults who come from these three countries without children,” Obamas' secretary of Homeland Security, Jeh Johnson, told a Senate committee. “Then there are adults who brought their children with them. Again, our message to this group is simple: We will send you back.”

Elected officials in Artesia say that Johnson made a similar pledge during a visit to the detention camp. “He said, ‘As soon as we get them, we’ll ship them back,’ ” a city councilor from Artesia named Jose Luis Aguilar recalled. The mayor of the city, Phillip Burch, added, “His comment to us was that this would be a ‘rapid deportation process.’ Those were his exact words.”

But as word of the detention camp began to spread, volunteers like Christina Brown trickled into town. Many of the lawyers who came to Artesia were young mothers, and they saw in the detained children a resemblance to their own. By fall, roughly 200 volunteers were rotating through town in shifts: renting rooms in local motels, working 12-hour days to interview detainees and file asylum paperwork, then staying awake into the night to consult one another. Some volunteers returned to Artesia multiple times. A few spent more than a month there. Brown never moved back to Denver. She moved into a little yellow house by the detention facility, took up office space in a local church and, with help from a nonprofit group called the American Immigration Lawyers Association, or AILA, she began to organize the volunteers pouring in.

As Brown got to know detainees in Artesia, grim patterns emerged from their stories. One was the constant threat of gangs; another was the prevalence of sexual violence.

Within a year, the administration faced a lawsuit. Legal filings described young children forced to wear prison jumpsuits, to live in dormitory housing, to use toilets exposed to public view and to sleep with the lights on, even while being denied access to appropriate schooling. In a pretrial hearing, a federal judge blasted the administration for denying these children the protections of the Flores settlement.

Detainees who passed their initial hearings often found themselves stranded in Obama's Artesia facility without bond.

Many of the volunteers in Artesia tell similar stories about the misery of life in the facility.

“I thought I was pretty tough,” said Allegra Love, who spent the previous summer working on the border between Mexico and Guatemala.

“I mean, I had seen kids in all manner of suffering, but this was a really different thing. It’s a jail, and the women and children are being led around by guards. There’s this look that the kids have in their eyes. This lackadaisical look. They’re just sitting there, staring off, and they’re wasting away. That was what shocked me most.”

The detainees reported sleeping eight to a room, in violation of the Flores settlement, with little exercise or stimulation for the children.

Many were under the age of 6 and had been raised on a diet of tortillas, rice and chicken bits. In Artesia, the institutional cafeteria foods were as unfamiliar as the penal atmosphere, and to their parents’ horror, many of the children refused to eat.

“Gaunt kids, moms crying, they’re losing hair, up all night,” an attorney named Maria Andrade recalled. Another, Lisa Johnson-Firth, said: “I saw children who were malnourished and were not adapting. One 7-year-old just lay in his mother’s arms while she bottle-fed him.”

Mary O’Leary, who made three trips to Artesia, said: “I was trying to talk to one client about her case, and just a few feet away at another table there was this lady with a toddler between 2 and 4 years old, just lying limp. This was a sick kid, and just with this horrible racking cough.”





www.nytimes.com

The Shame of America’s Family Detention Camps (Published 2015)

The Obama administration’s draconian policy toward female refugees and their children has sown misery on the border — and pushed volunteer lawyers to the breaking point.
www.nytimes.com www.nytimes.com
 
Diogenes said:
90



Children cried, but lefties failed to mobilize when their Messiah caused the pain

​
Under the terms of a 1997 settlement in the case of Flores v. Meese, children who enter the country without their parents must be granted a “general policy favoring release” to the custody of relatives or a foster program.

When there is cause to detain a child, he or she must be housed in the least restrictive environment possible, kept away from unrelated adults and provided access to medical care, exercise and adequate education.

Whether these protections apply to children traveling with their parents has been a matter of dispute. The Flores settlement refers to “all minors who are detained” by the Immigration and Naturalization Service and its “agents, employees, contractors and/or successors in office.” When the I.N.S. dissolved into the Department of Homeland Security in 2003, its detention program shifted to the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency. Federal judges have ruled that ICE is required to honor the Flores protections to all children in its custody.

The Obama administration reversed course. the administration abruptly announced plans to resume family detention.

From the beginning, officials were clear that the purpose of the new facility in Artesia was not so much to review asylum petitions as to process deportation orders.

“We have already added resources to expedite the removal, without a hearing before an immigration judge, of adults who come from these three countries without children,” Obamas' secretary of Homeland Security, Jeh Johnson, told a Senate committee. “Then there are adults who brought their children with them. Again, our message to this group is simple: We will send you back.”

Elected officials in Artesia say that Johnson made a similar pledge during a visit to the detention camp. “He said, ‘As soon as we get them, we’ll ship them back,’ ” a city councilor from Artesia named Jose Luis Aguilar recalled. The mayor of the city, Phillip Burch, added, “His comment to us was that this would be a ‘rapid deportation process.’ Those were his exact words.”

But as word of the detention camp began to spread, volunteers like Christina Brown trickled into town. Many of the lawyers who came to Artesia were young mothers, and they saw in the detained children a resemblance to their own. By fall, roughly 200 volunteers were rotating through town in shifts: renting rooms in local motels, working 12-hour days to interview detainees and file asylum paperwork, then staying awake into the night to consult one another. Some volunteers returned to Artesia multiple times. A few spent more than a month there. Brown never moved back to Denver. She moved into a little yellow house by the detention facility, took up office space in a local church and, with help from a nonprofit group called the American Immigration Lawyers Association, or AILA, she began to organize the volunteers pouring in.

As Brown got to know detainees in Artesia, grim patterns emerged from their stories. One was the constant threat of gangs; another was the prevalence of sexual violence.

Within a year, the administration faced a lawsuit. Legal filings described young children forced to wear prison jumpsuits, to live in dormitory housing, to use toilets exposed to public view and to sleep with the lights on, even while being denied access to appropriate schooling. In a pretrial hearing, a federal judge blasted the administration for denying these children the protections of the Flores settlement.

Detainees who passed their initial hearings often found themselves stranded in Obama's Artesia facility without bond.

Many of the volunteers in Artesia tell similar stories about the misery of life in the facility.

“I thought I was pretty tough,” said Allegra Love, who spent the previous summer working on the border between Mexico and Guatemala.

“I mean, I had seen kids in all manner of suffering, but this was a really different thing. It’s a jail, and the women and children are being led around by guards. There’s this look that the kids have in their eyes. This lackadaisical look. They’re just sitting there, staring off, and they’re wasting away. That was what shocked me most.”

The detainees reported sleeping eight to a room, in violation of the Flores settlement, with little exercise or stimulation for the children.

Many were under the age of 6 and had been raised on a diet of tortillas, rice and chicken bits. In Artesia, the institutional cafeteria foods were as unfamiliar as the penal atmosphere, and to their parents’ horror, many of the children refused to eat.

“Gaunt kids, moms crying, they’re losing hair, up all night,” an attorney named Maria Andrade recalled. Another, Lisa Johnson-Firth, said: “I saw children who were malnourished and were not adapting. One 7-year-old just lay in his mother’s arms while she bottle-fed him.”

Mary O’Leary, who made three trips to Artesia, said: “I was trying to talk to one client about her case, and just a few feet away at another table there was this lady with a toddler between 2 and 4 years old, just lying limp. This was a sick kid, and just with this horrible racking cough.”





www.nytimes.com

The Shame of America’s Family Detention Camps (Published 2015)

The Obama administration’s draconian policy toward female refugees and their children has sown misery on the border — and pushed volunteer lawyers to the breaking point.
www.nytimes.com www.nytimes.com
Click to expand...
Obama is no longer president, so where have you been under a rock???????????????
 

The Latest: 'No Kings' returns to the Triangle in second round of nationwide protests against Trump​


Thousands across the Triangle join an even bigger number of millions across the nation to protest the Trump Administration in a second round of "No Kings" protests.

WRAL News will be at the scene at several protests across the Triangle. If you are at a protest and would like to send photos or videos in, please send them to WRAL Report It.

www.wral.com

The Latest: 'No Kings' returns to the Triangle in second round of nationwide protests against Trump

This weekend is the second chance to protest against President Donald Trump's administration's policies and procedures. According to organizers, people will mobilize for a nationwide, nonviolent day of action to "defend democratic norms and reject authoritarianism."
www.wral.com www.wral.com
 
Did you protest then?

United States government records summarizing investigations of the deaths of 18 migrants in the custody of US immigration authorities support a conclusion that subpar care contributed to at least seven of the deaths, Human Rights Watch said.

The death reviews, from mid-2012 to mid-2015, reveal substandard medical care and violations of applicable detention standards.

Two independent medical experts consulted by Human Rights Watch concluded that these failures probably contributed to the deaths of 7 of the 18 detainees, while potentially putting many other detainees in danger as well.

The records also show evidence of the misuse of isolation for people with mental disabilities, inadequate mental health evaluation and treatment, and broader medical care failures.

“In 2009, the Obama administration promised major immigration detention reforms, including more centralized oversight and improved health care,” said Clara Long, US researcher at Human Rights Watch. “But these death reviews show a failure to prevent or fix substandard medical care that literally kills people.”

The death reviews, released by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) in June 2016, cover 18 of the 31 deaths of detainees that the agency acknowledges have occurred since May 2012. ICE has not released its reviews of the other 13 deaths in that time period.


www.hrw.org

US: Deaths in Immigration Detention

Newly released United States government records summarizing investigations of the deaths of 18 migrants in the custody of US immigration authorities support a conclusion that subpar care contributed to at least seven of the deaths.
www.hrw.org www.hrw.org
 
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