Nomad
Every trumper is a N4T.
Permanent tax cuts for corporations, temporary tax cuts for working people.
No guarantee of resulting higher wages required.
Plus, the mess that is the American health care system will, if the Repugnants have their way, return to the screwed up status quo that it was before Obama tried to fix it.
But the Repukes want us to believe they give a shit about hard working regular folks.
No guarantee of resulting higher wages required.
Plus, the mess that is the American health care system will, if the Repugnants have their way, return to the screwed up status quo that it was before Obama tried to fix it.
But the Repukes want us to believe they give a shit about hard working regular folks.
This remarkable, angry exchange between senators unmasks the GOP's tax-cut lies
By Greg Sargent
November 17, 2017 at 10:30 AM
Late last night, just before the Finance Committee passed the Senate’s version of the tax bill slashing taxes on corporations and the rich, a remarkable moment unfolded that perfectly captured the GOP’s whole handling of the tax debate — in all its dishonesty, misdirection and bottomless bad faith.
Sen. Sherrod Brown (D-Ohio) engaged in extended sparring with committee chairman Orrin G. Hatch (R-Utah) over who would benefit from the Senate bill, with Brown insisting that it fundamentally represents a tax cut for the rich and not the middle class. This drew an enraged response from Hatch, even though Brown’s argument was 100 percent correct:
Brown’s reference to an amendment offered by Sen. Ron Wyden (D-Ore.) at the beginning of the exchange is crucial to what transpired. That amendment would undo the tax cuts on corporations if wages don’t grow. The Senate bill would cut the corporate tax rate from 35 percent to 20 percent — permanently — and one of President Trump’s and the GOP’s chief stated rationales is that the move will unleash massive wage growth. The amendment called the GOP’s bluff for messaging purposes.
And it worked. Indeed, Brown’s questioning of this Republican argument is exactly what ticked Hatch off. Brown claimed that “this tax cut really is not for the middle class, it’s for the rich,” and that the GOP argument about tax cuts on corporations leading to higher wages is just a “good selling point.” Brown pointed out: “Companies don’t just give away higher wages just because they have more money. Corporations are sitting on a lot of money now. They’re sitting on a lot of profits now. I don’t see wages going up. Just spare us the bank shots.”
All this made Hatch angry. “I come from the poor people,” Hatch said. “And I’ve been here working my whole stinkin’ career for people who don’t have a chance. And I really resent anybody saying that I’m just doing this for the rich. Give me a break. I think you guys overplay that all the time, and it gets old. And frankly, you ought to quit it.” When Brown pushed back by suggesting that previous tax cuts for the rich haven’t produced the results Republicans are once again predicting, Hatch silenced him.
Now, Hatch was probably angered by the questioning of his motive — the idea that Republicans are disingenuously packaging a tax cut for the wealthy and corporations as a tax cut for the middle class. But whatever is in Hatch’s heart, this is exactly what the Senate bill does. It front-loads the benefits for non-wealthy people by making its various tax preferences and its cuts to individual income tax rates temporary and subject to expiration while making the corporate rate cuts permanent. It also ties tax brackets to an alternative inflation measure in a way that will result in out-year tax increases for everyone but the top 1 percent. The nonpartisan Joint Committee on Taxation has concluded that in 2027, most poor and working-class people will see a tax hike, while upper-income earners (who benefit from corporate tax cuts) continue to pay less.
Hatch, as other Republicans, claims to have “no intention” of raising taxes on lower-income people, meaning Congress will renew their tax cuts later. The suggestion otherwise got Hatch angry. But there is zero guarantee that this will happen, and indeed, this claim actually ratifies the objections of Brown and Democrats. It reveals in a backdoor way that the whole reason for making all these provisions temporary is to pay for permanent tax cuts on corporations, which is necessary to comply with the procedural need to avoid raising the deficit later. Indeed, the bill’s repeal of the individual mandate is also designed to cut health spending on less-fortunate people precisely to fund those corporate tax cuts — which shows, as Brian Beutler points out, that this bill partly represents another version of the massively regressive Obamacare repeal efforts that have already been defeated, this one just in a new packaging of grift.
As it happens, there is good reason to doubt Hatch’s motives — or, at least, those of the GOP more broadly. Multiple Republicans have admitted on the record that if Republicans don’t pass these tax cuts, their donors will stop giving them money. If Republicans wanted to cut taxes for the middle class, they could cut taxes for the middle class and remain within deficit and procedural constraints by limiting the bill’s massive giveaway to their corporate donors, which would not necessitate hiking middle-class taxes later. Yet Republicans aren’t doing that. Hatch claimed that pointing this out “gets old.” But this week’s Quinnipiac poll finds that Americans say by 59 percent to 33 percent that the GOP plan favors the rich at the expense of the middle class, which means they are on to the GOP game.
The bottom line is that Brown engaged with Hatch’s substantive case for the cuts by insisting they aren’t going to produce the wage growth Republicans promise, which happens to be an argument supported by many economists. But Hatch angrily shut him down anyway with an outpouring of high dudgeon about his own background and a mighty swing of his little wooden gavel.
TAX BILL FACES TOUGH ROAD IN SENATE: While the Senate Finance Committee passed the Senate version of the tax-cut bill last night, the legislation still faces a difficult path in the full upper chamber, as The Post reports:
The gap between the measure’s treatment of corporations and individuals has given moderates pause. … Sen. Susan Collins (R-Maine) this week reiterated her stance that it’s “a mistake” to attempt to alter the health-care law as part of the tax effort. Several other GOP senators, including Bob Corker (Tenn.), John McCain (Ariz.) and Lisa Murkowski (Alaska), have yet to declare their support for the bill.
The basic problem: If you make moderates happy by doing away with the expiration of the tax cuts for individuals, you blow up the deficit, and deficit hawks Corker and McCain probably won’t go for that.
JONES LEADS IN POLL: A Fox News poll finds Democrat Doug Jones leading religious-right extremist Roy Moore among likely voters in Alabama by 50 to 42 percent. Note this:
Support from women is the key to the Democrat’s advantage in this red state, as Jones is their choice by 26 points (58-32 percent). The gap grows to 49 points among women under age 45 (69-20 percent), and he’s up by 11 among women ages 45 and over (51-40 percent). Jones even receives 19 percent support from Republican women (to Moore’s 68 percent).
Winning a chunk of GOP women is key to Jones’s chances. But be cautious: Some polls show Moore up, and the race will be volatile amid the media frenzy over sexual-assault allegations against Moore.
WHY REPUBLICANS ARE RUSHING THE TAX BILL THROUGH: The House passed its version of tax “reform” yesterday, and the New York Times comments on the breakneck speed of the process:
Lawmakers … want to push the bill through quickly to avoid giving lobbyists and Democrats time to mobilize, a strategy that seemed to be validated with the House approval, which came with little drama or consternation. The political uncertainty surrounding the Dec. 12 Alabama Senate race, which could result in Republicans losing a seat or gaining an uncertain ally, is also a factor in the swift pace.
Those are great reasons for rushing this through with so little debate, given its far reaching effects. By the way, if Republicans don’t get this through and Jones wins, it’s unclear what happens next