The bond between the United States and Israel is unbreakable

Well, I just completed an excellent one-on-one discussion with Prime Minister Netanyahu.

I want to, first of all, thank him for the wonderful statement that he made in honor of the Fourth of July, our Independence Day, when he was still in Israel, and it marked just one more chapter in the extraordinary friendship between our two countries.

As Prime Minister Netanyahu indicated in his speech, the bond between the United States and Israel is unbreakable.

It encompasses our national security interests, our strategic interests, but most importantly, the bond of two democracies who share a common set of values and whose people have grown closer and closer as time goes on.

During our discussions in our private meeting we covered a wide range of issues. We discussed the issue of Gaza, and I commended Prime Minister Netanyahu on the progress that's been made in allowing more goods into Gaza.

We've seen real progress on the ground.

I think it’s been acknowledged that it has moved more quickly and more effectively than many people anticipated.

Obviously there’s still tensions and issues there that have to be resolved, but our two countries are working cooperatively together to deal with these issues.

The Quartet has been, I think, very helpful as well, and we believe that there is a way to make sure that the people of Gaza are able to prosper economically, while Israel is able to maintain its legitimate security needs in not allowing missiles and weapons to get to Hamas.

We discussed the issue of Iran, and we pointed out that as a consequence of some hard work internationally, we have instituted through the U.N. Security Council the toughest sanctions ever directed at an Iranian government.

In addition, last week I signed our own set of sanctions, coming out of the United States Congress, as robust as any that we've ever seen.

Other countries are following suit, and so we intend to continue to put pressure on Iran to meet its international obligations and to cease the kinds of provocative behavior that has made it a threat to its neighbors and the international community.

We had a extensive discussion about the prospects for Middle East peace.

I believe that Prime Minister Netanyahu wants peace. I think he’s willing to take risks for peace, and during our conversation, he once again reaffirmed his willingness to engage in serious negotiations with the Palestinians around what I think should be the goal not just of the two principals involved, but the entire world, and that is two states living side by side in peace and security.

Israel’s security needs met, the Palestinians having a sovereign state that they call their own, those are goals that have obviously escaped our grasp for decades now.

But now more than ever I think is the time for us to seize on that vision, and I think that Prime Minister Netanyahu is prepared to do so.

It’s going to be difficult; it’s going to be hard work, but we've seen already proximity talks taking place.

My envoy, George Mitchell, has helped to organize five of them so far.

We expect those proximity talks to lead to direct talks, and I believe that the government of Israel is prepared to engage in such direct talks, and I commend the Prime Minister for that.

There are going to need to be a whole set of confidence-building measures to make sure that people are serious and that we're sending a signal to the region that this isn’t just more talk and more process without action.

I think it is also important to recognize that the Arab states have to be supportive of peace, because, although ultimately this is going to be determined by the Israeli and Palestinian peoples, they can't succeed unless you have the surrounding states having a greater investment in the process than we've seen so far.

Finally, we discussed issues that arose out of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Conference, and I reiterated to the Prime Minister that there is no change in U.S. policy when it comes to these issues.

We strongly believe that, given its size, its history, the region that it’s in, and the threats that are leveled against us, that Israel has unique security requirements.

It’s got to be able to respond to threats or any combination of threats in the region, and that's why we remain unwavering in our commitment to Israel’s security, and the United States will never ask Israel to take any steps that would undermine their security interests.

So I just want to say once again that I thought the discussion that we had was excellent.

We’ve seen over the last year how our relationship has broadened.

Sometimes it doesn’t get publicized, but on a whole range of issues, economic, military-to-military, issues related to Israel maintaining its qualitative military edge, intelligence-sharing, how we are able to work together effectively on the international front, that in fact our relationship is continuing to improve, and I think a lot of that has to do with the excellent work that the Prime Minister has done.

So, I’m grateful.
 
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Let me, first of all, say that I think the Israeli government, working through layers of various governmental entities and jurisdictions, has shown restraint over the last several months that I think has been conducive to the prospects of us getting into direct talks, and my hope is, is that once direct talks have begun, well before the moratorium has expired, that that will create a climate in which everybody feels a greater investment in success.

Not every action by one party or the other is taken as a reason for not engaging in talks.

So there ends up being more room created by more trust, and so I want to just make sure that we sustain that over the next several weeks.

I do think that there are a range of confidence-building measures that can be taken by all sides that improve the prospects of a successful negotiation, and I’ve discussed some of those privately with the Prime Minister.

When President Abbas was here, I discussed some of those same issues with him.

I think it’s very important that the Palestinians not look for excuses for incitement, that they are not engaging in provocative language; that at the international level, they are maintaining a constructive tone, as opposed to looking for opportunities to embarrass Israel.

At the same time, I’ve said to Prime Minister Netanyahu, I don't think he minds me sharing it publicly, that Abu Mazen working with Fayyad have done some very significant things when it comes to the security front, and so us being able to widen the scope of their responsibilities in the West Bank is something that I think would be very meaningful to the Palestinian people.

I think that some of the steps that have already been taken in Gaza help to build confidence, and if we continue to make progress on that front, then Palestinians can see in very concrete terms what peace can bring that rhetoric and violence cannot bring, and that is people actually having an opportunity to raise their children, and make a living, and buy and sell goods, and build a life for themselves, which is ultimately what people in both Israel and the Palestinian Territories want.
 
If you look at every public statement that I’ve made over the last year and a half, it has been a constant reaffirmation of the special relationship between the United States and Israel, that our commitment to Israel’s security has been unwavering, and, in fact, there aren’t any concrete policies that you could point to that would contradict that, and in terms of my relationship with Prime Minister Netanyahu, I know the press, both in Israel and stateside, enjoys seeing if there’s news there.

But the fact of the matter is that I’ve trusted Prime Minister Netanyahu since I met him before I was elected President, and have said so both publicly and privately.

I think that he is dealing with a very complex situation in a very tough neighborhood, and what I have consistently shared with him is my interest in working with him, not at cross-purposes, so that we can achieve the kind of peace that will ensure Israel’s security for decades to come, and that's going to mean some tough choices, and there are going to be times where he and I are having robust discussions about what kind of choices need to be made.

But the underlying approach never changes, and that is the United States is committed to Israel’s security.

We are committed to that special bond, and we are going to do what’s required to back that up, not just with words but with actions.

We are going to continually work with the Prime Minister and the entire Israeli government, as well as the Israeli people, so that we can achieve what I think has to be everybody’s goal, which is that people feel secure.

They don't feel like a rocket is going to be landing on their head sometime.

They don't feel as if there’s a growing population that wants to direct violence against Israel.

That requires work and that requires some difficult choices, both at the strategic level and the tactical level, and this is something that the Prime Minister understands, and why I think that we’re going to be able to work together not just over the next few months but hopefully over the next several years.
 
LOL.... Every statement he has made, eh? We're supposed to believe what he says rather than what he does. He put Netanyahu out with the trash to avoid looking like he supported him...

Then when it was noticed he had this sad apology to offer...

http://www.israelnationalnews.com/News/News.aspx/136764

Actions speak louder than words. Don't get me wrong, I don't necessarily think we should treat Israel with kid gloves, but don't go acting as if what you do doesn't speak volumes man...
 
Well, I just completed an excellent one-on-one discussion with Prime Minister Netanyahu.

I want to, first of all, thank him for the wonderful statement that he made in honor of the Fourth of July, our Independence Day, when he was still in Israel, and it marked just one more chapter in the extraordinary friendship between our two countries.

As Prime Minister Netanyahu indicated in his speech, the bond between the United States and Israel is unbreakable.

It encompasses our national security interests, our strategic interests, but most importantly, the bond of two democracies who share a common set of values and whose people have grown closer and closer as time goes on.

During our discussions in our private meeting we covered a wide range of issues. We discussed the issue of Gaza, and I commended Prime Minister Netanyahu on the progress that's been made in allowing more goods into Gaza.

We've seen real progress on the ground.

I think it’s been acknowledged that it has moved more quickly and more effectively than many people anticipated.

Obviously there’s still tensions and issues there that have to be resolved, but our two countries are working cooperatively together to deal with these issues.

The Quartet has been, I think, very helpful as well, and we believe that there is a way to make sure that the people of Gaza are able to prosper economically, while Israel is able to maintain its legitimate security needs in not allowing missiles and weapons to get to Hamas.

We discussed the issue of Iran, and we pointed out that as a consequence of some hard work internationally, we have instituted through the U.N. Security Council the toughest sanctions ever directed at an Iranian government.

In addition, last week I signed our own set of sanctions, coming out of the United States Congress, as robust as any that we've ever seen.

Other countries are following suit, and so we intend to continue to put pressure on Iran to meet its international obligations and to cease the kinds of provocative behavior that has made it a threat to its neighbors and the international community.

We had a extensive discussion about the prospects for Middle East peace.

I believe that Prime Minister Netanyahu wants peace. I think he’s willing to take risks for peace, and during our conversation, he once again reaffirmed his willingness to engage in serious negotiations with the Palestinians around what I think should be the goal not just of the two principals involved, but the entire world, and that is two states living side by side in peace and security.

Israel’s security needs met, the Palestinians having a sovereign state that they call their own, those are goals that have obviously escaped our grasp for decades now.

But now more than ever I think is the time for us to seize on that vision, and I think that Prime Minister Netanyahu is prepared to do so.

It’s going to be difficult; it’s going to be hard work, but we've seen already proximity talks taking place.

My envoy, George Mitchell, has helped to organize five of them so far.

We expect those proximity talks to lead to direct talks, and I believe that the government of Israel is prepared to engage in such direct talks, and I commend the Prime Minister for that.

There are going to need to be a whole set of confidence-building measures to make sure that people are serious and that we're sending a signal to the region that this isn’t just more talk and more process without action.

I think it is also important to recognize that the Arab states have to be supportive of peace, because, although ultimately this is going to be determined by the Israeli and Palestinian peoples, they can't succeed unless you have the surrounding states having a greater investment in the process than we've seen so far.

Finally, we discussed issues that arose out of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Conference, and I reiterated to the Prime Minister that there is no change in U.S. policy when it comes to these issues.

We strongly believe that, given its size, its history, the region that it’s in, and the threats that are leveled against us, that Israel has unique security requirements.

It’s got to be able to respond to threats or any combination of threats in the region, and that's why we remain unwavering in our commitment to Israel’s security, and the United States will never ask Israel to take any steps that would undermine their security interests.

So I just want to say once again that I thought the discussion that we had was excellent.

We’ve seen over the last year how our relationship has broadened.

Sometimes it doesn’t get publicized, but on a whole range of issues, economic, military-to-military, issues related to Israel maintaining its qualitative military edge, intelligence-sharing, how we are able to work together effectively on the international front, that in fact our relationship is continuing to improve, and I think a lot of that has to do with the excellent work that the Prime Minister has done.

So, I’m grateful.

How does 8.5 billion dollars given to ACORN create jobs?
 
How does 8.5 billion dollars given to ACORN create jobs?

What $8.5 billion?


"For the past two weeks, Republicans have been raising a new charge against a familiar enemy, claiming that the Democrats’ stimulus bill includes as much as $5.2 billion in "goodies" for the Association of Community Organization for Reform Now (ACORN). Last fall, Republicans accused ACORN of "massive voter fraud," a claim which we said was exaggerated. The group has since become a favorite target of Republicans, so it understandably raises a few hackles when House Republican leader John Boehner’s Web site proclaims that the bill provides "a taxpayer-funded bonanza" for ACORN. And Republican Sen. David Vitter goes even further, telling Newsmax TV that the provisions amount to "a political payoff." Also, the National Republican Trust PAC has taken up the issue in fundraising pitches. But these claims are wildly exaggerated and rely upon faulty logic.

Let’s start with the (very few) claims that critics get right. The House version of the stimulus bill does indeed include about $1 billion in funding for the Community Development Block Grants (CDBG) program and another $4.2 billion ($2.2 billion in the Senate’s version) in funding for the Neighborhood Stabilization Program (NSP). Neither program is new: CDBG has been around since President Ford (a Republican) signed it into law in 1974, while the NSP was authorized in 2008 as part of the Housing and Economic Recovery Act signed into law by President Bush.

On its Web site, the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, which runs both programs, describes CDBG as "a flexible program that provides communities with resources to address a wide range of unique community development needs." But those funds cannot be used for anything resembling ACORN’s controversial voter registration programs. HUD has very strict rules for projects that can be funded through CDBG grants, including promotion of home ownership and micro-enterprise assistance. ACORN has long been eligible for CDBG funds, and Boehner’s Web site points out that the group has received almost $1.6 million (not billion) in CDBG grants over a four-year span."


http://www.factcheck.org/2009/02/the-stimulus-bill-and-acorn/
 
What $8.5 billion?


"For the past two weeks, Republicans have been raising a new charge against a familiar enemy, claiming that the Democrats’ stimulus bill includes as much as $5.2 billion in "goodies" for the Association of Community Organization for Reform Now (ACORN). Last fall, Republicans accused ACORN of "massive voter fraud," a claim which we said was exaggerated. The group has since become a favorite target of Republicans, so it understandably raises a few hackles when House Republican leader John Boehner’s Web site proclaims that the bill provides "a taxpayer-funded bonanza" for ACORN. And Republican Sen. David Vitter goes even further, telling Newsmax TV that the provisions amount to "a political payoff." Also, the National Republican Trust PAC has taken up the issue in fundraising pitches. But these claims are wildly exaggerated and rely upon faulty logic.

Let’s start with the (very few) claims that critics get right. The House version of the stimulus bill does indeed include about $1 billion in funding for the Community Development Block Grants (CDBG) program and another $4.2 billion ($2.2 billion in the Senate’s version) in funding for the Neighborhood Stabilization Program (NSP). Neither program is new: CDBG has been around since President Ford (a Republican) signed it into law in 1974, while the NSP was authorized in 2008 as part of the Housing and Economic Recovery Act signed into law by President Bush.

On its Web site, the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, which runs both programs, describes CDBG as "a flexible program that provides communities with resources to address a wide range of unique community development needs." But those funds cannot be used for anything resembling ACORN’s controversial voter registration programs. HUD has very strict rules for projects that can be funded through CDBG grants, including promotion of home ownership and micro-enterprise assistance. ACORN has long been eligible for CDBG funds, and Boehner’s Web site points out that the group has received almost $1.6 million (not billion) in CDBG grants over a four-year span."


http://www.factcheck.org/2009/02/the-stimulus-bill-and-acorn/

First off, I'm not a fan of the republican party. I hate republican poloticians just as much as I do the dems.

Secondly, you pointing out these republican criminal acts only inforces my disgust with them.

All this is, is the taking of my money (against my will) to be used for my own demise.
 
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