Diogenes
Nemo me impune lacessit
A basic primer for the uninformed: The filibuster is a Senate procedure allowing unlimited debate on a bill or nomination, effectively blocking a vote unless 60 senators vote for cloture (to end debate) under Rule XXII.
This supermajority requirement was intended to protects minority party rights but can stall legislation when misused, as seen in the current government shutdown where Democrats are filibustering Republican funding bills as leverage for the radical leftist agenda they lack the votes to pass.
As Majority Leader, John Thune (R-SD) controls the Senate floor agenda and can initiate procedural changes, but Thune has repeatedly pledged to preserve the filibuster rule to maintain the Senate's deliberative nature.
However, Senate rules allow targeted changes without a full overhaul. These rely on the "nuclear option," a simple-majority (51 votes) maneuver to reinterpret or override precedents, first used by Democrats in 2013 for nominees.
Republicans hold 53 seats (assuming no vacancies), giving Thune the votes to act unilaterally if his caucus unites. Below are the primary ways Thune could end a Democratic filibuster on specific matters, such as the shutdown funding bills.
1. Invoke the Nuclear Option for a Carve-Out on Specific Legislation (e.g., Appropriations)
2. Overrule the Senate Parliamentarian on Procedural Rulings
3. Expand Budget Reconciliation to Bypass Filibusters Broadly
I don't really expect any low-information JPP member to read or comprehend any of the above. Their intellectual prowess seems to be binary, and entirely based on red or blue affiliation.
This supermajority requirement was intended to protects minority party rights but can stall legislation when misused, as seen in the current government shutdown where Democrats are filibustering Republican funding bills as leverage for the radical leftist agenda they lack the votes to pass.
As Majority Leader, John Thune (R-SD) controls the Senate floor agenda and can initiate procedural changes, but Thune has repeatedly pledged to preserve the filibuster rule to maintain the Senate's deliberative nature.
However, Senate rules allow targeted changes without a full overhaul. These rely on the "nuclear option," a simple-majority (51 votes) maneuver to reinterpret or override precedents, first used by Democrats in 2013 for nominees.
Republicans hold 53 seats (assuming no vacancies), giving Thune the votes to act unilaterally if his caucus unites. Below are the primary ways Thune could end a Democratic filibuster on specific matters, such as the shutdown funding bills.
1. Invoke the Nuclear Option for a Carve-Out on Specific Legislation (e.g., Appropriations)
- How it works: Thune could raise a point of order, pointing out that the 60-vote cloture threshold violates Senate precedents for bills like continuing resolutions (CRs) or appropriations that maintain prior spending levels. The Senate's presiding officer (the presiding officer of the U.S. Senate is typically the Vice President of the United States, who serves as the President of the Senate under the Constitution. However, the Vice President often delegates this role to other senators, who serve as the presiding officer on a rotating basis, especially during routine sessions. When Vice President Vance is not present, a senator, usually a junior member of the majority party, is designated to preside.
- The presiding officer would rule against the point of order, prompting an appeal.
- Republicans could then vote 51–49 to overrule, creating a new precedent where cloture requires only a simple majority for those bills. This ends the current Schumer shutdown without touching broader legislative rules.
- In September 2025, Thune led a similar change for executive nominees, allowing "en bloc" (batch) confirmations by simple majority after obstructionist Democrats filibustered President Trump's appointees. This bypassed several individual 60-vote clotures, saving weeks of floor time and taxpayer dollars.
- For the current CR, Thune could limit the carve-out to funding bills, passing a House-passed measure (e.g., through November 21) without Democrat votes. This mirrors proposals from others to end the Schumer shutdown. Enraged Democrats would likely retaliate out of spite if they ever regain power, but the filibuster's erosion is likely inevitable given the current polarization due to Trump Derangement Syndrome (TDS). It wouldn't affect non-budget bills, anyway.
2. Overrule the Senate Parliamentarian on Procedural Rulings
- In May 2025, Republicans overruled the parliamentarian (Democrat Elizabeth MacDonough is the current Senate Parliamentarian, serving since 2012 when she was appointed by then-Majority Leader "Dirty" Harry Reid. Thune could also dismiss her and replace her with whomever he likes.) If Democrats attempt to raise Byrd Rule points against the CR, Thune could overrule, treating it as a simple-majority vote. This has been floated for shutdown resolutions to avoid more Democrat political stunts.
3. Expand Budget Reconciliation to Bypass Filibusters Broadly
- How it works: Reconciliation allows simple-majority passage for bills affecting spending, revenue, or debt, limited to one per fiscal year. Thune could classifying CR provisions as "budgetary") and, if the parliamentarian objects, overrule her to include more items.
- In September 2025, Republicans used reconciliation to crush angry Democrats' opposition to President Trump's tax cuts, assigning a "$0 sticker price" requirement to $3.8 trillion in tax relief extensions, ignoring Democrat collusion with the Parliamentarian.
- Republicans could classify the CR as reconciliation-eligible to end the filibuster entirely for funding, passing it 51–50 (with VP tiebreaker if needed). Strict Byrd Rule limits scope; overruling expands it but erodes status quo. Thune has resisted full expansion to avoid "nuking" the filibuster.
I don't really expect any low-information JPP member to read or comprehend any of the above. Their intellectual prowess seems to be binary, and entirely based on red or blue affiliation.
