Judges out of bounds in blocking deportation of terrorist threats

Truth Detector

Well-known member
Contributor
This nation faces a constitutional crisis. Not because Elon and Trump are securing borders and cutting waste and fraud in government. But due to activist jurists acting like dictators from the bench without citing any law that supports their orders. It's long past time for the Supreme Court to engage and act and for Congress to act.

Judges out of bounds in blocking deportation of terrorist threats

Anyone who has taken a basic civics course can tell you that the United States government has three coequal branches. Congress makes the laws, the executive carries them out and the judiciary interprets them. These are separate, independent functions carried out as part of a system of checks and balances. When one branch starts intruding into the wheelhouse of the others, the system of checks and balances collapses like a house of cards built on a wobbly table.

Judicial overreach is the term used to describe circumstances where the judiciary starts behaving like a super-legislature or an ad hoc executive. Unfortunately, that kind of behavior has been particularly prevalent in immigration policy. Here are just two recent examples:

• U.S. District Court Judge Leo T. Sorokin agreed to hear the case of Dr. Rasha Alawieh. Dr. Alawieh, a Lebanese citizen, had been admitted to the U.S. temporarily with an employment-related status. When she attempted to return to the U.S., she was denied readmission. U.S. Customs and Border Protection had uncovered evidence that she is a supporter of Hezbollah, an Iranian-backed terrorist group.

• Chief Judge James E. Boasberg of the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia issued an order enjoining the deportation of Venezuelan gang members under the Alien Enemies Act. That legislation allows for the expedited removal of enemy foreign nationals whenever “any invasion or predatory incursion is perpetrated, attempted, or threatened against the territory of the United States by any foreign nation or government.”

These actions were prime examples of “judicial activism,” when judges interpret statutes to further their preferred policy goals rather than according to established legal guidelines.

In 1950, in a case called U.S. ex rel. Knauff v. Shaughnessy, the Supreme Court made it abundantly clear that “The admission of aliens to this country is not a right, but a privilege, which is granted only upon such terms as the United States prescribes,” and “it is not within the province of any court, unless expressly authorized by law, to review the determination of the political branch of Government to exclude a given alien.”

In other words, the decision to exclude Dr. Alawieh belonged solely to U.S. Customs and Border Protection. Judge Sorokin had no authority to review that decision because it involved an unadmitted, nonresident alien with no right to be admitted to the U.S.


 
Similarly, the decision to invoke the Alien Enemies Act exercises the president’s powers over defense and foreign affairs. In Chae Chan Ping v. U.S., the Supreme Court made it clear that “the conduct of the foreign relations of our government is committed by the Constitution to the executive and legislative — ‘the political’ — departments of the government, and the propriety of what may be done in the exercise of this political power is not subject to judicial inquiry or decision.” That’s a fancy way of saying that making determinations about foreign affairs is an inherently political endeavor.

Judicial overreach and judicial activism undermine the separation of powers. They enable the judiciary to nullify the will of the electorate and lead to poor policies born of a lack of expertise. Indeed, the very purpose of the Constitution was to avoid such problems by assigning federal responsibilities to the branches of government best suited to handle them.

Courts are set up to interpret and apply the law. They are not designed to evaluate intelligence information, account for diplomatic concerns or assess military capabilities. As such, U.S. District Court judges are not and will never be in a position to determine whether Dr. Alawieh presents a terrorist threat to the United States or whether members of Tren de Aragua, a state-sponsored criminal organization pouring over our borders, constitute a predatory incursion. That task should fall to the president, with the consultation of the secretaries of state and defense, as Congress intended.

American voters gave President Trump a second term in office based mainly on his promises to restore integrity to America’s borders and rid the country of illegal aliens. As long as Mr. Trump’s policies pass constitutional muster (and most of them do, as Mr. Trump has an estimable record of success in the courts), the American people deserve to see them put into place. It should not be within the power of any unelected jurist to thwart the process of republican democracy or to bypass the checks and balances set forth in the Constitution.

If the Supreme Court does not take action to curb judicial intrusion into the legislative and executive spheres of government, our republic runs a high risk of devolving into a kritarchy, a system of rule by unelected judges. Any policy that a single federal judge dislikes will fall prey to a nationwide injunction and American democracy will be replaced with rule by a credentialed elite that has never been voted into office.
 

Miranda Devine: Trump is fighting a cartel of vile, corrupt and far-left judges trying to kill his campaign promises

If you ever doubted that Washington’s corrupt cartel of Democratic law firms, judges, NGOs, and deep-state bureaucrats is a machine designed to thwart the Trump administration, just watch as judge after judge blocks the president’s ability to keep his campaign promises.

It may not be brown paper bags changing hands, but this lawfare that defies the people’s will is every bit as corrupt.

It will be up to the Supreme Court to define the limits of presidential authority, but Chief Justice John Roberts’ preemptive scolding of Trump for musing about judicial impeachment doesn’t bode well for the president.

Trump won a resounding mandate in the November election, winning every swing state, the popular vote and both houses of Congress.

Democrats are rudderless, fighting each other and incapable of mounting an effective opposition.

So they are depending on the federal courts to be the “last bulwark against Trump,” as the New York Times puts it, celebrating the fact that almost 600 federal judges in courtrooms from Rhode Island to Seattle can issue emergency rulings to “stop the White House in its tracks.”

Politico has dubbed it the “court case presidency,” noting approvingly that “the courts have provided the only real opposition to Trump 2.0 so far.”

And so they have.

According to Attorney General Pam Bondi, judges issued more than 14 injunctions against Trump administration actions in February alone, with 160 “resistance” lawsuits winding their way through the system.

For example, we had Judge James Boasberg, an appointee of President Barack Obama, blocking the deportation of illegal alien criminals deemed a national security threat.

Judge Theodore Chuang, another Obama appointee, blocked DOGE’s dismantling of USAID, which turned out to be a slush fund for shady Democratic projects rather than a foreign aid agency, and ordered a stop to the freeze on $2 billion being sent out of the country.

Judge Ana Reyes — an appointee of President Joe Biden — blocked Trump’s executive order banning transgender individuals from military service.


 

Enough is enough, SCOTUS — slap down these delusional judges and let Trump get to work

Who should have more power: the president of the United States, or a federal district judge — one of nearly 700 — in a courthouse anywhere in the nation?

The answer is obvious, and pure common sense.

The president is elected by millions, empowered by the US Constitution to ensure “the laws be faithfully executed,” conduct foreign policy and command the nation’s armed forces.

Most district court judges get there because they know somebody who knows somebody in the president’s party.

Their role on the bench is generally limited to deciding the case before them based on existing law.

Yet across the country, highly partisan district judges are using legal ploys to bulldoze Trump, stymie his agenda — and set national, even international policy.

In dozens of cases since Jan. 20, federal district judges — the lowest on the ladder — have issued nationwide injunctions halting Trump’s suspension of foreign aid, his deportation of Tren de Aragua and MS-13 gang members, his layoffs and spending cuts in federal departments and agencies, his prohibitions on discriminatory diversity programs in higher education and government hiring, and more.

On Tuesday, US District Judge Ana Reyes in Washington, DC, issued a nationwide injunction barring the Pentagon from enforcing Trump’s Jan. 27 executive order excluding transgender individuals from the military. Reyes said she foresees a “heated public debate” and appeals.

But Emperor Reyes is taking it upon herself to decide the issue for the entire nation, in defiance of the commander-in-chief who actually heads the military — before any evidence is heard.

She is freezing in place a policy the president opposes, for all the months and years it may take for the lawsuit to be decided and for appeals to be made, perhaps all the way to the Supreme Court.

Ridiculous.

The misuse of national injunctions by politically motivated federal judges is not an entirely new problem, nor is it 100% one-sided.

During Trump’s first term, they were used 64 times to delay his initiatives.

They were also used 14 times against the Biden administration, per a Harvard Law Review survey.

All the more reason the Supreme Court should crack down without delay.

Justice Elena Kagan has sharply criticized this abuse.

“It just can’t be right that one district judge can stop a nationwide policy in its tracks and leave it stopped for the years it takes to go through the normal process,” she told a Northwestern University Law School audience in 2022.


 
It’s time — past time — to restrain these district court judges who act like kings.

Harris called it a “modest” request, but in fact the progress of Trump’s entire agenda — and the hopes of Americans who voted for him — depend on it.

As Harris told the court, “Enough is enough.”
 
Back
Top