onald Trump sat in his office at Trump Tower on Dec. 2 facing the most important choice of his transition to the presidency, and his indecision had set off a war among his top aides.
Some favored Mitt Romney, who had trashed Trump during the campaign. Many wanted the ultimate loyalist, Rudolph W. Giuliani. Others preferred Sen. Bob Corker (R-Tenn.) or retired Gen. David Petraeus. Trump, who hated being pressured when making important decisions, insisted that he needed more time. He seemed to have misgivings about all of them.
Then, by happenstance, Trump welcomed into his office a man who has served presidents of both parties, Robert M. Gates. Trump asked his guest, a former CIA director and former defense secretary, what he thought of the four candidates. After Gates ran through his thoughts, it seemed that Trump was “looking for a way out,” a person familiar with the session said.
Trump asked whether there was someone else to consider.
“I recommend Rex,” Gates told Trump, referring to Rex Tillerson, the chief executive of ExxonMobil. Gates said in an interview that he had not gone to the meeting intending to recommend Tillerson, and he did not recommend anyone else. Separately, on the previous day, former secretary of state Condoleezza Rice had proposed Tillerson to Vice President-elect Mike Pence. Rice and Gates, who run a consulting firm that counts ExxonMobil as a client, had jointly concluded that Tillerson might give Trump a fresh alternative.
Trump “seemed intrigued,” Gates said. “It was not something he had considered.”
The result was an unexpected decision, nominating as the country’s top diplomat a multinational corporate chief executive who had been on nobody’s shortlist for the job. It provided an object lesson in the decision-making process and leadership style of a president-elect who has never worked in government and is applying his un*or*tho*dox style to decisions that could shape the world.
Names were floated, aides took sides, and Trump grew increasingly disenchanted. Many Trump traits were in evidence, from the reality-show-like parade of candidates, to the dismissal of onetime allies, to the efforts by aides to influence him through tweets and television appearances.
The process reflected Trump’s refusal to be rushed or pushed and showed how he was not necessarily beholden to his strongest supporters or inclined to dismiss his most strident critics, on the right terms, yet yearned for a personal connection. And he did not seem worried about the potential for a difficult confirmation, even as Republican lawmakers began to speak up, questioning Tillerson’s perceived close ties to Russia.
This account is based on interviews with several participants in the deliberations and others close to the contenders, including some who spoke on the condition of anonymity to describe sensitive internal conversations.
Two days after Trump met with Gates, as Sunday talk show guests speculated about Trump’s choice, those closest to the decision had come up with a scorecard.
Giuliani, the former New York mayor, was in first place, Romney was just behind at “1A,” and *Petraeus was “in the mix.” Tillerson remained a contingency, but his stock was starting to rise.
omney’s motivation, according to three people close to him, was sparked by a sense of duty. Since his unsuccessful run for the White House, Romney has devoted much of his intellectual energy to foreign policy and national security issues.
Trump liked the idea of reconciling with a former enemy. As one longtime Trump associate noted, Trump had a history in his businesses of feuding bitterly with competitors and others, only to join forces with them. Given their histories, a rapprochement between the two was not so unthinkable.
After their meal at the swanky Jean-Georges restaurant, Romney lavished praise on Trump, saying he had been “very impressed” by Trump’s vow to be an inclusive president. A Trump friend said the president-elect, who did not join Romney in talking to reporters afterward, enjoyed watching his dinner partner appear to grovel for the post.
Some of those in Trump’s orbit who opposed the Romney selection presented the process as a punishment of sorts. Longtime Trump associate and provocateur Roger Stone later said in an interview with Alex Jones on Jones’s radio show — which has pushed a variety of conspiracy theories — that the president-elect strung Romney along to “torture him.”
Romney and Trump differed on Russia. Romney has called Russia the top geopolitical foe of the United States, while Trump has said he wants to have close ties with Moscow. Romney knew he was at odds with Trump but had hoped to provide balance in the administration, the associate said.
“There were differences in views, and I’m confident that was a worry to both of them,” said former Utah governor Mike Leavitt, who oversaw transition planning for Romney four years ago.
Romney gradually fell from his 1A position. So, too, had Giuliani fallen. On Dec. 9, five days after being categorized as Trump’s top choice, Giuliani said he was taking himself out of contention. The Trump team was concerned about not only Giuliani’s stamina but also his ego. One Trump associate said Giuliani had refused to consider heading the Homeland Security or Justice department. Only State would do.
rump’s list of candidates continued to narrow. Corker, the Tennessee Republican who heads the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, met with Trump on Nov. 29, but his role appears to have been as a backup choice.
Then, in a surprising twist, Petraeus was ascendant. The retired general and former CIA director, who once was mentioned as a possible presidential candidate, had fallen after pleading guilty to mishandling classified information, which he had provided to his biographer and mistress, Paula Broadwell. Trump, who had been harshly critical of Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton for her handling of classified information, did not seem to see Petraeus’s action as disqualifying him for consideration. A number of Petraeus’s fellow generals lauded his intelligence and loyalty. “Just met with General Petraeus — was very impressed!” Trump tweeted.
Soon, however, news accounts reported that Petraeus was still on probation. He would have to notify his probation officer of his travel plans. His home, car, cellphone and computer would be subject to search without a warrant. Trump did not explain his decision to rule out the retired general, much to the frustration of Petraeus’s allies.
“Only the president-elect and transition folks can say why he fell out of the mix,” former Petraeus spokesman Steve Boylan said. “I don’t know if it was the news articles, or anti-Petraeus people taking a stance on it. I’m not aware of anything specific that would have said, ‘No, you are no longer being considered.’ ”
So it was that Trump, who had devoted more time to this decision than any other, prepared to meet with Gates on Dec. 2, thinking about the possibility of expanding his search. Gates wasn’t even supposed to be there. A day earlier, he met with Trump’s pick for national security adviser, Lt. Gen. Michael T. Flynn, who proposed a meeting the next day with Trump.
After Gates went through the pluses and minuses of the four candidates, and Trump asked about other possibilities, Gates made his pitch for Tillerson. It was an unexpected move. Trump didn’t know the ExxonMobil CEO.
Gates initially knew Tillerson through their shared work with the Boy Scouts of America. They later had a work connection when ExxonMobil became a client of RiceHadleyGates, an international consulting firm.
As word leaked that Tillerson was the likely pick, a chorus of critics noted that he had been close to Russian President Vladimir Putin, who had worked with ExxonMobil on energy deals. The company had an interest in closer relations, given that some of its operations in Russia are on hold because of economic sanctions imposed after the country annexed Crimea and supported insurgents in eastern Ukraine. Tillerson was awarded the Kremlin’s Order of Friendship in 2013. Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.) questioned Tillerson’s relationship with Putin, saying on CNN that “I don’t see how anybody could be a friend of this old-time KGB agent.”
But Gates said Tillerson’s experience doing business in difficult parts of the world is an asset, and not because he has any cozy relationships with despots.
Gates had seen the inspirational and motivational side of Tillerson
Some favored Mitt Romney, who had trashed Trump during the campaign. Many wanted the ultimate loyalist, Rudolph W. Giuliani. Others preferred Sen. Bob Corker (R-Tenn.) or retired Gen. David Petraeus. Trump, who hated being pressured when making important decisions, insisted that he needed more time. He seemed to have misgivings about all of them.
Then, by happenstance, Trump welcomed into his office a man who has served presidents of both parties, Robert M. Gates. Trump asked his guest, a former CIA director and former defense secretary, what he thought of the four candidates. After Gates ran through his thoughts, it seemed that Trump was “looking for a way out,” a person familiar with the session said.
Trump asked whether there was someone else to consider.
“I recommend Rex,” Gates told Trump, referring to Rex Tillerson, the chief executive of ExxonMobil. Gates said in an interview that he had not gone to the meeting intending to recommend Tillerson, and he did not recommend anyone else. Separately, on the previous day, former secretary of state Condoleezza Rice had proposed Tillerson to Vice President-elect Mike Pence. Rice and Gates, who run a consulting firm that counts ExxonMobil as a client, had jointly concluded that Tillerson might give Trump a fresh alternative.
Trump “seemed intrigued,” Gates said. “It was not something he had considered.”
The result was an unexpected decision, nominating as the country’s top diplomat a multinational corporate chief executive who had been on nobody’s shortlist for the job. It provided an object lesson in the decision-making process and leadership style of a president-elect who has never worked in government and is applying his un*or*tho*dox style to decisions that could shape the world.
Names were floated, aides took sides, and Trump grew increasingly disenchanted. Many Trump traits were in evidence, from the reality-show-like parade of candidates, to the dismissal of onetime allies, to the efforts by aides to influence him through tweets and television appearances.
The process reflected Trump’s refusal to be rushed or pushed and showed how he was not necessarily beholden to his strongest supporters or inclined to dismiss his most strident critics, on the right terms, yet yearned for a personal connection. And he did not seem worried about the potential for a difficult confirmation, even as Republican lawmakers began to speak up, questioning Tillerson’s perceived close ties to Russia.
This account is based on interviews with several participants in the deliberations and others close to the contenders, including some who spoke on the condition of anonymity to describe sensitive internal conversations.
Two days after Trump met with Gates, as Sunday talk show guests speculated about Trump’s choice, those closest to the decision had come up with a scorecard.
Giuliani, the former New York mayor, was in first place, Romney was just behind at “1A,” and *Petraeus was “in the mix.” Tillerson remained a contingency, but his stock was starting to rise.
omney’s motivation, according to three people close to him, was sparked by a sense of duty. Since his unsuccessful run for the White House, Romney has devoted much of his intellectual energy to foreign policy and national security issues.
Trump liked the idea of reconciling with a former enemy. As one longtime Trump associate noted, Trump had a history in his businesses of feuding bitterly with competitors and others, only to join forces with them. Given their histories, a rapprochement between the two was not so unthinkable.
After their meal at the swanky Jean-Georges restaurant, Romney lavished praise on Trump, saying he had been “very impressed” by Trump’s vow to be an inclusive president. A Trump friend said the president-elect, who did not join Romney in talking to reporters afterward, enjoyed watching his dinner partner appear to grovel for the post.
Some of those in Trump’s orbit who opposed the Romney selection presented the process as a punishment of sorts. Longtime Trump associate and provocateur Roger Stone later said in an interview with Alex Jones on Jones’s radio show — which has pushed a variety of conspiracy theories — that the president-elect strung Romney along to “torture him.”
Romney and Trump differed on Russia. Romney has called Russia the top geopolitical foe of the United States, while Trump has said he wants to have close ties with Moscow. Romney knew he was at odds with Trump but had hoped to provide balance in the administration, the associate said.
“There were differences in views, and I’m confident that was a worry to both of them,” said former Utah governor Mike Leavitt, who oversaw transition planning for Romney four years ago.
Romney gradually fell from his 1A position. So, too, had Giuliani fallen. On Dec. 9, five days after being categorized as Trump’s top choice, Giuliani said he was taking himself out of contention. The Trump team was concerned about not only Giuliani’s stamina but also his ego. One Trump associate said Giuliani had refused to consider heading the Homeland Security or Justice department. Only State would do.
rump’s list of candidates continued to narrow. Corker, the Tennessee Republican who heads the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, met with Trump on Nov. 29, but his role appears to have been as a backup choice.
Then, in a surprising twist, Petraeus was ascendant. The retired general and former CIA director, who once was mentioned as a possible presidential candidate, had fallen after pleading guilty to mishandling classified information, which he had provided to his biographer and mistress, Paula Broadwell. Trump, who had been harshly critical of Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton for her handling of classified information, did not seem to see Petraeus’s action as disqualifying him for consideration. A number of Petraeus’s fellow generals lauded his intelligence and loyalty. “Just met with General Petraeus — was very impressed!” Trump tweeted.
Soon, however, news accounts reported that Petraeus was still on probation. He would have to notify his probation officer of his travel plans. His home, car, cellphone and computer would be subject to search without a warrant. Trump did not explain his decision to rule out the retired general, much to the frustration of Petraeus’s allies.
“Only the president-elect and transition folks can say why he fell out of the mix,” former Petraeus spokesman Steve Boylan said. “I don’t know if it was the news articles, or anti-Petraeus people taking a stance on it. I’m not aware of anything specific that would have said, ‘No, you are no longer being considered.’ ”
So it was that Trump, who had devoted more time to this decision than any other, prepared to meet with Gates on Dec. 2, thinking about the possibility of expanding his search. Gates wasn’t even supposed to be there. A day earlier, he met with Trump’s pick for national security adviser, Lt. Gen. Michael T. Flynn, who proposed a meeting the next day with Trump.
After Gates went through the pluses and minuses of the four candidates, and Trump asked about other possibilities, Gates made his pitch for Tillerson. It was an unexpected move. Trump didn’t know the ExxonMobil CEO.
Gates initially knew Tillerson through their shared work with the Boy Scouts of America. They later had a work connection when ExxonMobil became a client of RiceHadleyGates, an international consulting firm.
As word leaked that Tillerson was the likely pick, a chorus of critics noted that he had been close to Russian President Vladimir Putin, who had worked with ExxonMobil on energy deals. The company had an interest in closer relations, given that some of its operations in Russia are on hold because of economic sanctions imposed after the country annexed Crimea and supported insurgents in eastern Ukraine. Tillerson was awarded the Kremlin’s Order of Friendship in 2013. Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.) questioned Tillerson’s relationship with Putin, saying on CNN that “I don’t see how anybody could be a friend of this old-time KGB agent.”
But Gates said Tillerson’s experience doing business in difficult parts of the world is an asset, and not because he has any cozy relationships with despots.
Gates had seen the inspirational and motivational side of Tillerson
