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Thread: U.S. Troops on Russia’s Borders

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    Default U.S. Troops on Russia’s Borders

    U.S. military deployments to Eastern Europe are being ramped up. The latest word as reported by the Wall Street Journal is that regular rotation of brigade-size forces, with the most modern equipment, will bring a de facto continuous U.S. military presence to the areas in question, which include the Baltic republics, Poland, Romania, and Bulgaria.

    We are entitled to be told, to a greater extent than we have been told so far, just what the strategy is behind this deployment. What exactly is the threat that we are trying to meet, in more specific terms than just “Russian aggression”? What sort of scenario do we have in mind? What would be the U.S. response to such a scenario, and what role would the newly deployed U.S. troops be playing?

    There has been plenty of precedent and practice in thinking about such matters. Throughout the Cold War the conundrum of how to protect Western Europe from the feared scenario of being overrun by a huge Soviet conventional assault was never solved to a high degree of satisfaction, although the stationing of U.S. troops in Europe had a lot to do with trying to solve it.
    Even when the United States had a couple of hundred thousand troops in West Germany, that still probably would not have been enough to stop a determined assault by the Red Army at its Cold War peak.

    Nuclear weapons often figured into the strategic thinking of the time, although again without a high degree of satisfaction. At the level of long-range nuclear weapons there was always the question of whether the United States would be willing to risk New York and Washington to save Frankfurt and Hamburg. At the theater level, saving Western Europe from Soviet occupation would have been at best a pyrrhic victory if it meant turning much of the saved territory into a nuclear wasteland.

    In the end the reliance was largely placed on the concept of the trip-wire and on the trip-wire’s hoped-for deterrent effect. U.S. troops were the wire; their forward presence in Europe assured that Americans would be killed, and that the United States would be directly involved, in the earliest hours of any European war. And the added costs and risks of escalation from U.S. involvement would, went the thinking, help deter the Soviets from starting such a war.

    Perhaps the concept of the trip-wire is once more at work with these latest announced deployments. But again, it would be good to know more about the envisioned circumstances that would trip the wire. The Russians are not in a position to do anything as big as the feared pouring of Red Army hordes from East Germany through the Fulda gap into West Germany.

    While being capable of less, one can imagine Russia trying something less. What about a seizure of the Baltic Republics? For several reasons, that is less likely to happen than what happened with Crimea. But even with that U.S. brigade around, Russia probably could accomplish such a seizure fairly quickly.
    This raises, in a different version of the old Cold War question about what the United States would be willing to risk to save Frankfurt or Hamburg, the question of what it would be willing to risk to save Vilnius or Riga.

    The mere fact of NATO membership of the Baltic Republics and the application of the commitment to them under Article V of the North Atlantic Treaty already raises this issue. Having troops on the ground makes this question more acute.


    The Russians have a strong case in complaining that such a deployment violates understandings reached with them as the Cold War was ending and that were directly linked to Moscow’s acquiescence in peaceful reunification of a Germany that everyone realized would have a Western orientation.
    The understandings were further codified a few years later in a joint statement by NATO and Russia.

    The U.S. administration seems to be dancing around the issue of permanent deployments in Eastern Europe by using what technically are temporary rotations of troops, similar to the game it is playing with the U.S. public regarding how many U.S. troops are in Iraq. De facto reneging on previous understandings ought to worry anyone concerned about U.S. credibility. And we should remember how much difference Russian cooperation, or lack of it, can make in dealing with problems such as the war in Syria.
    statement by NATO and Russia.

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    "which include the Baltic republics, Poland, Romania, and Bulgaria."

    I don't think Romania and Bulgaria are considered 'Baltic Republics', but I get your drift.

    My impression is that Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania are/may be looked at (by Russia) like Crimea was. They are small, former Russian 'states', and FAR from Western Europe but CLOSE to Russia. What's to prevent Russia from doing the same thing it did to Crimea? Do YOU have a Solution?

    On the flip side, I can see NATO/US Troops being a threat to Russia if/when deployed to countries that border Russia.

    I wonder if Russia being a Member of NATO would solve the Problem ... or make it worse?

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    I do not think there would be any need for a modest NATO deterrent in the Baltics and Poland, if Putin had not invaded the sovereign territory of neighboring states in Georgia and Ukraine.

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    Quote Originally Posted by Cypress View Post
    I do not think there would be any need for a modest NATO deterrent in the Baltics and Poland, if Putin had not invaded the sovereign territory of neighboring states in Georgia and Ukraine.
    I agree with that.

    Did trump get some piece of paper (like with Kim Jong-un at the Singapore Summit) that Russia will NOT invade/occupy any of the former Soviet 'States'?

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    Joint Russian US Military Games ...
    ONE-N-DONE, YOU GOT PLAYED; Time To Play-On
    Remember ... ELECTIONS HAVE CONSEQUENCES ... So STFU Bitch

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    Quote Originally Posted by Jack View Post
    "which include the Baltic republics, Poland, Romania, and Bulgaria."

    I don't think Romania and Bulgaria are considered 'Baltic Republics', but I get your drift.

    My impression is that Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania are/may be looked at (by Russia) like Crimea was. They are small, former Russian 'states', and FAR from Western Europe but CLOSE to Russia. What's to prevent Russia from doing the same thing it did to Crimea? Do YOU have a Solution?

    On the flip side, I can see NATO/US Troops being a threat to Russia if/when deployed to countries that border Russia.

    I wonder if Russia being a Member of NATO would solve the Problem ... or make it worse?
    Crimea is Russian -always has been except Krushchev ceded it to Ukraine while Ukraine was part of USSR..

    So the annexation - while forced by US meddling that brought down the Orange types -is at least Russian.
    further Crimea had a referendum -and being Russian speaking went with Russia by vote.


    Russia invading the Baltics is just crazy; it would set off a full NATO response -and likely NATO troops would not only fight there,but would push into Russia. (set up a NATO enforced buffer zone in Russia itself)

    Putin is many things -stupid isn't one of them..Crimea isn't the Baltics.

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    Where do we not have troops?

  8. The Following User Says Thank You to Fentoine Lum For This Post:

    anatta (07-21-2018)

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    Quote Originally Posted by anatta View Post
    Crimea is Russian - always has been except Krushchev ceded it to Ukraine while Ukraine was part of USSR.
    History Corner

    Crimea has been Russian for about as long as Poland has been 'Russian'. Russia annexed Crimea from the Ottoman Empire in 1783; while Polish independence was suppressed in 1793-95.


    Crimea had a referendum - and being Russian speaking went with Russia by vote.
    The ethnic Russian presence in Crimea increased from 33% (1897) to 65% (2014), mainly as a result of the mass deportation of Crimean Tartars by Stalin.

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    We have over 800 military bases. Nobody is far from a US military establishment. https://www.vox.com/2015/5/18/860065...-united-states

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